Surprising political observers and psephologists, two leaders of the peasants’ movement in Rajasthan were elected with massive margins in the recently concluded assembly elections as candidates of the Communist Party of India (Marxist).  Several other leaders of the farmers’ and peoples’ movements have scored outstanding vote margins as well. They have definitely helped turn the tide against the BJP in the three Hindi heartland states.

The results came as a shock to the two main parties of the ruling classes — the BJP and the Congress — as these were both areas with negligible presence of the CPI(M) and were hitherto considered to be their fiefdoms. The CPI(M) did well in about a dozen seats and almost doubled its votes compared to last time to more than 4 lakh votes, although it contested only 28 seats which were ten lesser than the last assembly polls.

In the run-up to the assembly elections in Rajasthan, as the seats to be contested were being discussed within the CPI(M), lot of scepticism was expressed in the case of Shree Dungargarh assembly constituency by political observers. The refrain was that the votes secured in the last elections were below the NOTA and was around 2500 only. Some also went ahead and argued that it would only act a spoiler; it would help the BJP to win the seat, going against CPI(M)’s stated position that the primacy today is to defeat the BJP by pooling together all strengths. The response of the party from the very beginning was that this seat was a sure seat this time around and it has come true — defying the predictions of the best psephologists and analysts in the trade.

What led to such a confidence? What led to the victories of kisan leaders in the two seats of Rajasthan?

Lab of neo-libeRalism

Even as the united movement of the peasantry had successfully built struggles that also acted as a factor in stalling the Narendra Modi-led BJP government’s draconian Land Acquisition Ordinance, built pressure against the dilution of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNRGA) and against the restrictions on cattle trade, the Vasundhara Raje Scindia-led BJP government in Rajasthan virtually became a laboratory for the aggressive neo-liberal model. It implemented some of the pet policies of Narendra Modi even more aggressively in the state. The power-drunk arrogance of the BJP government at the Centre was a notch higher in Rajasthan, being laced with the feudal touch, with strong underpinnings of erstwhile royalty.

The Rajasthan Land Acquisition Act brought back the British Land Acquisition Act of 1894 with even more draconian provisions. Obstruction to the land acquisition could be punished by at least six months imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs 3 lakh. Principles of prior informed consent, provisions safeguarding food security, social impact assessment, fair compensation as well as effective resettlement and rehabilitation, were all done away with. The MGNREGA was the next to face a direct attack with systematic dilution, abysmally low employment opportunities and undue delays in wage payment.

Restrictions on cattle trade through legal provisions and concerted attacks by vigilante groups called ‘gaurakshaks’ also hit at the cattle economy of the peasantry. It increased the menace of stray cattle and put an end to the sale of cattle which was virtually the ATM of farmers in times of crisis and distress, for investment in agriculture and social expenditure.

Last straw on the camel’s back

Efforts made to build resistance against these measures in the initial years did not acquire a mass character that later struggles did. The hopes generated by the BJP during the last elections in the state and at the Centre were kept alive. It, however, could not be kept alive for long. People saw through the empty promises.

The incessant rise in production costs, continuous fall in the prices of crops,

rise in prices of essentials as well as electricity, petrol and diesel, betrayal on the promise of providing Minimum Support Prices (MSP) at least 50 per cent above the cost of production, abysmal state of procurement mechanism leading to the denial of even the meagre MSP and resultant indebtedness, the insensitive handling of drought — all came back to hit at the very edifice of the BJP government which was built on lies.

The last straw on the camel’s back was ‘Notebandi’ — or the demonetisation disaster, steered unilaterally by the prime minister himself.

Uprising amidst repression

Massive struggles were built by the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) on the ground in Rajasthan. In September 2017, lakhs of farmers gheraoed the district headquarters on the call of AIKS of for a mahapadav (sit-in). The three-day long ‘Rasta Roko’ (road blockade) brought over 20 districts to a standstill. The mass struggle received unprecedented support from all sections of the society, making it a truly people’s movement.

Remunerative MSP, greater allocation for MGNREGA, hike in wages and number of days of work, social security measures like pension of Rs 5,000 per month to farmers, payment of SC/ST fellowships etc – these were the main issues on the people’s agenda. Protests raged for days with blockades at 300 points with ever-growing numbers attending protests. Women were present in the forefront in large numbers.

The Raje regime unleashed unprecedented repression. Many were arrested; internet was blocked to prevent the struggle from getting more attention. None of these dampened the unceasing flow of people on the streets. The farmers carried out a mock funeral of the BJP government.

The insensitive regime led by Vasundara Raje Scindia was forced to bow down and accept many demands of the peasantry after 13 days of struggle and talks with the AIKS leadership. It agreed, among other things, for a loan waiver of up to Rs 50,000, to write to the centre on MSP, arrange for the purchase of groundnut, green gram (moong) and urad at MSP in all district headquarters within seven days, to withdraw the hike in electricity rates for drip irrigation, immediate payment of SC/ST/OBC fellowship with arrears, relaxation in restrictions in the sale of cattle, the protection of crops from stray cattle and wild animals, the increase of pension to Rs 2000 per month in principle, insurance claims for the failure of canal irrigation and to stop harassment of traders and farmers by the police.

Promises betrayed

When the government went back on its promises, in February, 2018, a mahapadav and gherao of the Rajasthan assembly was called in which more than one lakh farmers were expected to join. The BJP regime responded with arrests of more than one thousand leaders of the Kisan Sabha and various class and mass organisations. People converted the ‘Jaipur Mahapadav’ into a state-wide ‘mahapadav’ — blocking roads wherever they were stopped. The government had to release all the arrested leaders unconditionally.

Many demands had to be met, especially loan waiver, the opening of purchasing centres and removal of toll tax for farmers’ vehicles. In fact, it was this struggle which inspired the historic Nashik-Mumbai long march of farmers which got wide appreciation across India, inflamed resistance movements all over, and got vast global coverage. So much so, Mumbai citizens, civil society and political parties, across class spectrums, came out in full support of the farmers marching into Mumbai. Flowers were showered on the farmers by Mumbai residents in appreciation of the fact that they deliberately chose not to disturb the on-going school exams of the children. 

The struggles of the peasantry under the leadership of the AIKS along with the general atmosphere of anger against the betrayal of promises by the BJP have created an atmosphere for the defeat of the anti-peasant BJP government in Rajasthan and other states. It is these struggles that gave the confidence that the kisan leaders will win seats and the CPI(M) will increase its mass base.

Left expansion

The CPI(M) candidate, Balwan Poonia, Joint Secretary of Rajasthan Kisan Sabha, who is also president of Hanumangarh district Kisan Sabha, won with a huge margin from Bhadra. The CPI(M) candidate, Girdharilal Mahiya, president, Bikaner District Kisan Sabha, has won with a huge margin from Shree Dungargarh. Balwan Poonia polled 82,204 votes and defeated the nearest candidate by 23,153 votes. Girdharilal Mahiya polled 72,376 votes, 23,896 votes higher than the candidate who came second. Both are seats won for the first time. In Dungargarh, the votes secured in the last elections were only around 2500. These two comrades will be the voice of the struggling peasantry, workers and the oppressed in the Rajasthan assembly.

Both were active in the struggles against the electricity price hike, demanding fair price for crops, opening of purchasing centres, demanding liberation from debt, irrigation, insurance, pension etc. Like all other Kisan Sabha activists, they have been with the peasants and toiling masses in their suffering and fought at their side. Both have faced arrests. Both the legs of Girdharilal Mahiya were broken in police attack during these struggles.

The collective effort of AIKS, Left mass and class organisations, as well as the CPI(M) has helped create an atmosphere for their victory. Even as they have won, many others who have been active in these struggles have not been able to win the electoral battle. Pema Ram came second in Dhod with 61,089 votes, trailing the winning candidate by 14,053 votes. Shyopat Ram Meghwal, the candidate in Raisinghnagar constituency, came second with 43,364 votes. Amra Ram came third in Danta Ramgarh with 42,543 votes.

Their defeats also point to the uphill task at hand against communal and casteist forces, money and muscle power. Notably, they have all increased their votes significantly over the last elections. It will remain an arduous task to sustain the gains of these struggles and victories, and to expand the influence of the farmers’ and people’s movements.

The victories achieved are significant. Kisan struggles have led to a strong imprint in minds of the peasantry. The slogan of ‘BJP-Modi Kisan Virodhi’ had created an atmosphere for their defeat in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. The coming days will see an intensification of struggles starting with active solidarity to the workers’ strike on January 8 and 9, 2019, in the form of rural strikes, rail and rasta roko. The massive success of the huge rally of the national alliance of farmers in Delhi on November 29 and 30, including the AIKS, and the public unity of almost the entire spectrum of opposition parties, also gave impetus to the secular and pro-farmers’ agenda. The diabolical politics of communal polarisation combined with crony capitalism, simply did not work.

Indeed, this is just the beginning. The BJP regime will have to brace itself up for incessant struggles by the people and farmers in the days to come. That will be a decisive factor in the 2019 polls.