If there is a need to protest against the issues in Manipur, it would be more appropriate to bring attention to it in Delhi through demonstrations, sit-ins, or hunger strikes, rather than shifting the burden of Manipur’s problems onto the shoulders of Cachar. Such tendencies cannot be accepted. This type of approach is seen as a bad omen for the region
KRC TIMES Barak Valley Bureau
Pradeep Dutta Roy
The seven northeastern states, commonly referred to as the Seven Sisters were originally part of a single state called Assam. Over time, this region was fragmented into separate states—Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur, Meghalaya, and Tripura—driven by the dominance of a single ethnic group and the growing sense of rights among other communities. These demands for self-determination initially resulted in Union Territories, later evolving into full-fledged states.
Each of these states, carved out of Assam, comprises multiple ethnic groups, naturally giving rise to conflicts. Governing these states without discrimination is a challenging task, and as a result, they face numerous issues. However, Mizoram appears to be relatively less affected by such problems. Thanks to significant progress in education, Mizoram has been able to foster an atmosphere of understanding among its smaller tribal groups, reducing inter-community conflicts considerably.
In Meghalaya, there is little to no conflict between tribal groups. However, tensions arise when the local tribes turn hostile towards non-tribals. This hostility occasionally surfaces when tourists from other states visit Meghalaya. While tourists themselves do not face significant issues, trouble arises when vehicles from outside the state are used, as locals often create disputes.
In Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, the Inner Line Permit system restricts the entry of outsiders, ensuring minimal external influence. Nagaland, on the other hand, is home to numerous subgroups within the Naga community, with each group speaking a distinct dialect. In many cases, one Naga group cannot understand the language of another. To bridge this gap, a common exchange language called Nagamese has evolved, which is essentially Assamese with a Naga accent. Despite the linguistic and tribal divisions, the Nagas share a unified religious institution that commands respect across all subgroups. This institution plays a critical role in resolving any internal disputes among the tribes.
In Manipur, however, ethnic tensions have persisted for a long time. The mental and emotional rift between the Meiteis, Kukis, Nagas, and the Maram community requires deeper examination. This is an issue that I intend to delve into further for discussion.
Rise of Insurgent Groups Despite State Formation for Tribal Rights
Although separate states were formed in Northeast India to address tribal rights, numerous insurgent groups emerged in each state. In Mizoram, under the leadership of Laldenga, insurgent groups waged an armed struggle for a separate nation. During Indira Gandhi’s tenure as Prime Minister, a peace accord was signed with Laldenga, after which his organization, the Mizo National Front (MNF), entered electoral politics. This brought normalcy back to Mizoram.
However, in Nagaland, insurgent groups like NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K) remain highly active. Their activities are not confined to Nagaland alone but extend to Manipur, Assam’s Dima Hasao district, and parts of Arunachal Pradesh. Occasionally, these groups operate in certain districts of Upper Assam near border areas as well. While the NSCN has signed a peace accord with the central government, it remains adamant about its demand for a separate flag. Discussions between the central government and these insurgent groups are ongoing.
In Manipur, groups like the PLA (People’s Liberation Army), PREPAK (People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak), and UNLF (United National Liberation Front) have been active for years. The People’s Liberation Army, in particular, has engaged in a prolonged shadow war with the Indian Armed Forces. Whenever the opportunity arises, they launch attacks on security forces.
AFSPA and Its Role in Manipur’s Ongoing Crisis
Manipur was brought under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) due to the active presence of insurgent groups. This law, abbreviated as AFSPA, empowers the armed forces to conduct operations in any situation without requiring prior approval from local authorities or the administration.
A significant section of Manipur’s population harboured intense hatred and resentment toward the Indian government and armed forces, which led to widespread support for Irom Sharmila’s hunger strike. Many used her movement as a means to further their own agendas. Instead of addressing the root causes of the unrest, the central government hastily withdrew AFSPA from certain areas of Manipur.
Interestingly, the organizations demanding the repeal of AFSPA were primarily Meitei insurgent groups. The act enabled the armed and paramilitary forces to conduct operations anywhere in the region without seeking local permissions. Under AFSPA, the armed forces achieved significant success in countering insurgency in both the Imphal Valley and the surrounding hill areas.
When the insurgency in Manipur subsided to an extent, Irom Sharmila began her hunger strike demanding the repeal of AFSPA. Her movement gained support from some human rights activists, protestors, and even social reformers like Anna Hazare. However, the current volatile situation in Manipur, marked by unrest and violence, is a consequence of this law’s withdrawal.
It is crucial to note that AFSPA operations were not confined to Meitei-dominated areas; they were equally conducted in Naga and Kuki areas. Interestingly, the Nagas and Kukis rarely protested for the repeal of AFSPA. Yet, today, these groups are heavily armed with sophisticated weaponry.
In response to the recent conflict, where insurgents have killed innocent civilians, the AFSPA has been reinstated in seven districts of Manipur. This step reflects the need to address the escalating violence and restore order in the state.
The Root Causes Behind Manipur’s Volatile Situation
Manipur’s sudden descent into turmoil has raised many questions, with its roots running deep into the region’s social and political fabric. The state is geographically divided, with the Meitei community residing in the plains and the Naga and Kuki communities inhabiting the hilly regions.
The conflict began when the Manipur High Court ruled in favor of granting Scheduled Tribe (ST) status to the Meitei community. This decision sparked tension, particularly with the Kukis, who feared that granting ST status to the Meiteis would allow them to buy and sell land in the hill areas, thereby threatening the Kukis’ territorial rights. In response, the Kuki community openly opposed the court’s verdict. Subsequently, the court’s ruling was stayed.
Further compounding the situation, a faction of the Kuki community was involved in opium cultivation in the hill areas. Efforts to eradicate these opium fields escalated tensions. The situation worsened drastically when two Kuki women were paraded naked by Meitei miscreants, an incident that not only enraged the Kuki community but also drew widespread condemnation from neighbouring Mizoram and other communities.
Following this incident, violence erupted, with Kuki insurgents launching retaliatory attacks against the Meiteis. The state descended into chaos, marked by widespread unrest and lawlessness. Prime Minister Narendra Modi faced criticism for not visiting Manipur amidst the crisis. However, the judiciary took suo motu cognizance of the atrocities, prompting the Prime Minister to condemn the incidents in Parliament. He assured that the central government was making every effort to restore order in Manipur. The investigation of the incident was handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA).
Despite the central government’s efforts to mediate peace, the conflict remains challenging due to the deeply entrenched divisions between the communities. Importantly, neither the Meiteis nor the Kukis are considered enemies of the state, but extremist factions within both groups have exploited the situation, inflicting violence on innocent civilians.
Initially, the Naga community remained neutral in the conflict between the Meiteis and Kukis. However, the ensuing violence, including killings, arson, protests, and blockades, eventually impacted the Nagas, forcing them to engage indirectly in the conflict. Despite their involvement, the Nagas refrained from taking up arms and instead advocated for democratic solutions, calling for peace and stability in the region.
The ongoing strife underscores the complexity of Manipur’s communal dynamics, with long-standing grievances and external influences exacerbating the situation. Restoring peace will require inclusive dialogue and sustained efforts to address the root causes of the conflict.
The Hidden Factors Behind Manipur’s Conflict
While the surface-level causes of the conflict in Manipur appear to revolve around the issues of tribal status and opium cultivation, deeper, more sinister forces are at play. Intelligence reports have long indicated the involvement of foreign powers in destabilizing the northeastern region. These external forces are allegedly providing arms and financial aid to various insurgent groups to keep the area in turmoil. By fostering unrest, these powers aim to execute their broader strategic plans more effectively.
Unfortunately, the common people of the affected communities are often unaware of these larger manipulations. Misled by claims of protecting their ethnic identity, they fall prey to provocations from different quarters. Recent developments saw heightened tensions when 10 Kuki insurgents were killed during a clash with security forces near Jiribam. Their bodies were sent to Silchar Medical College for autopsy, as transporting them to Imphal was deemed too dangerous due to the volatile situation.
After the autopsy, Kuki community members displayed violent behaviour while retrieving the bodies in Silchar, raising concerns about the deeper implications of such actions. Following the security operation, Kuki insurgents retaliated by kidnapping six women and children. Tragically, their bodies were later recovered from a riverbank in a border area. Prior to this, insurgents also killed a Meitei woman working in a paddy field.
These incidents have further inflamed tensions in Manipur. Protests have erupted across the state, with ministers’ and legislators’ homes being besieged, police stations being targeted, and some political leaders’ residences being set on fire. Despite the increased deployment of security forces, the state remains engulfed in a volatile atmosphere.
The ongoing unrest highlights the urgent need to look beyond immediate causes and address the hidden forces and agendas fueling the conflict. Both internal and external factors must be taken into account to restore peace and stability in Manipur.
Meanwhile, two Meitei organizations from Manipur have threatened to launch a movement in the Cachar district in response to the events in Manipur. This threat seems unreasonable, as the Cachar district, or the Barak Valley, is known for being a peaceful haven. Although this region is predominantly Bengali, it is home to a variety of communities, including Meitei, Naga, Kuki, Dimasa, and tea tribes, who live together peacefully.
If there is a need to protest against the issues in Manipur, it would be more appropriate to bring attention to it in Delhi through demonstrations, sit-ins, or hunger strikes, rather than shifting the burden of Manipur’s problems onto the shoulders of Cachar. Such tendencies cannot be accepted. This type of approach is seen as a bad omen for the region.
However, as the saying goes, when there’s a fire in a neighbour’s house, its heat will eventually reach your own home. The influence of the Manipur movement has already started to be felt in Cachar. Therefore, the possibility of creating a tense environment here cannot be dismissed. The people of this region are generally inclined towards maintaining peace. A historical example of this can be seen when, during the Babri Masjid demolition, riots broke out across the country, but the people of Barak Valley exhibited restraint, and no such riots occurred here.
If a movement related to Manipur’s issues begins in this region, it could lead to conflicts between the Kuki-Zo communities and Meiteis, disrupting the law and order of the area. Such a situation cannot be allowed to happen.
Each Indigenous community living in neighbouring Manipur has the right to live peacefully with the Meiteis. To ensure this, various political parties must take the initiative to create an environment of coordination among all the communities. It is not enough to simply blame the government from afar and fuel the fire of conflict. In this environment of tension, the state and central governments are responsible for ensuring the safety of the general public. However, if the people of the state do not cooperate with the security forces, restoring peace will be a very difficult task. It is not feasible to assign a security guard to every individual. The residents of the state must keep this in mind.
In a state with only 3.6 million people, more than 50,000 security personnel have been deployed. Even then, if the state remains in turmoil, the issue must be reconsidered. Instead of leaving the Manipur border open, there must be strict surveillance. This is because some insurgent forces from foreign countries have been found to be inciting and actively participating in this conflict. If Manipur becomes peaceful, the Barak Valley will be protected from unnecessary social conflicts. The majority of the people of Barak Valley prefer to see this region as a place of peace, and there is always a social consensus for this.
